Sunday, June 8. 2008Betrayed
At a recent family gathering, the host described how impressed he was by a book he had read recently on the Pilgrims: Mayflower by Nathaniel Philbrick. I gathered that he was impressed how much more difficult everything was for the settlers than he had been previously been taught, and that he had been brought up short by the disparity between this account and his earlier school history lessons.
A brief history of Thanksgiving may be found here . An experience such as that of my host may reach the level of a significant emotional experience. It was such an experience during the period of stagflation of the late 1970's that made me feel betrayed by my college economics courses of the 1950's. Samuelson's Economics, based on Keynes ideas, did not contain the word stagflation. Even more, the book had exuded confidence that every problem faced by the economy as a whole could be successfully addressed by some appropriate government action. During the 1970's, many more people than I were awakened to the reality that this was nonsense. This was the event that started my own journey to libertarianism. A project management course I once attended included some psychological content thought to be useful to managers. I particularly remember the lesson that adults do not readily change their habits and beliefs; that in order for change to occur in an adult, the person must have a "significant emotional experience". It seems to me that many such experiences faced by adults take the form of a betrayal. A common reason for the feeling of betrayal is the realization that one has been deliberately deceived. Every LP member must feel the weight of the uphill battle that we wage. Political change requires a change of heart by vast numbers of adult voters. Such change requires, then, a great many significant emotional experiences; at least one per voter. But the issue is clearly not hopeless, for there has in fact been a tremendous amount of deliberate deception in our education as well as in what we have heard and read since we left school. Many of our libertarian writer-heroes have written books addressed to the ordinary reader, and other books designed to help us insiders appeal to outsiders. A few of these are Harry Browne, Mary Ruwart, David Boaz, Murray Rothbard, Morris and Linda Tannehill, Michael Cloud, and many others. I invite you to add your favorites in the comments. It would be presumptuous for me to try to add much to what they have said. Let me repeat a comment from one of my best teachers, however. He found value in the Socratic method of instruction. As he described it, it involves letting the student discover, "remember", or believe that he has discovered or remembered the truth. In other words, it is not simply instruction or argumentation, but a more subtle game. The main gambit is to ask questions of the student. A superior teacher can, in this way, lead the student towards discovery. A truth discovered by oneself makes a much deeper impression than one heard second hand. One example: I recently asked someone "Why is monopoly considered to be a bad thing in the private sector but a good thing in the public sector?" I doubt that Socrates would have been impressed with me, but I can report that the question was more effective than most of the statements that I have made in similar circumstances. A recent entry on LewRockwell.com may cause some people to reach the level of betrayal I am discussing. Don't Talk to the Police Don't Talk to the Police (2) These two videos are well worth the time they require, even if you already know that they are right. Two experts will convince you that saying anything whatsoever to the police about your actions would be a mistake, and is frequently a BIG mistake. Nowadays it is even worse. These videos do not mention that lying to a government agent, police or not, is now a federal crime. Some states may have similar laws. Using the arguments given in the videos, then, we may conclude that to talk to the police about the actions of anyone may equally be a mistake. My own rule of thumb is that I would not talk about anyone's actions to authorities without consulting an attorney first. I might even get a second opinion. This is a long way from the childhood lesson that the policeman is your friend. At some point, nearly every adult will be disillusioned about some aspect of government. If you happen to reach that person at the right time with an appropriate reference to the right material, that may be more effective than anything else you could have done. Tuesday, May 20. 2008Skepticism 101
Missouri was once known as the "show me" state. Its residents were supposed to be skeptics who needed reasons before they would accept the claims of others. They might be in trouble when conversing with simple folk who expect every statement that they make to be immediately accepted as gospel. When such people sense doubt in the listener they may ask "Are you calling me a liar?" and ask him to step outside to settle the issue with fists.
Public skepticism seems out of favor today. The cult of democracy has overtaken truth itself. When a majority believes something, it is now bad form to continue to express doubt in public. Ron Paul, for example, has been silenced both by the press and by his own party, and yet his message has that ring of truth that cuts through the din of propaganda. As a minority, libertarians need to understand how truth is established and communicated. Persuasive arts are also helpful, but these do not take the place of philosophical underpinnings. I must take issue with a few of our own heroes in this respect: I find the a-priorism Mises, Ayn Rand and Hoppe wanting. As I have mentioned before, the modern tradition from Kant through A. J. Ayer and Karl Popper seems to me both more defensible and more useful to libertarians, as I will try to explain. Suppose it is our task to comment on the merit of some claim. Truth is established in various ways depending on the intended meaning of the claim. When dealing with mathematics or with board games, the objects under discussion are symbolic. Truth is defined by formal proof, using premises and rules. These are accepted by all participants at the outset, or the game cannot proceed. I reserve the word "proof" for truth in this context. It is here that the greatest degree of agreement among participants is achieved. Mathematicians can nearly always agree as to whether a proof is valid, and chess players can similarly agree as to who won a game. The realm of the symbolic and the imaginary has been known since Kant as the a priori. When a claim is made about physical reality, such as whether a crime has been committed, or whether fire requires oxygen, things are quite different. Logic and proof may play a role, but only a partial role. Evidence is also required. Truth beyond doubt is rare here. No matter how obvious it is that 9/11 involved highjacked planes crashing into buildings, there will always be doubters with other explanations. Physical reality is the realm of the a posteriori. Our method attempts to benefit from the clarity of statements residing in the a priori. To isolate that part of a claim that lies in the a priori, imagine for a moment that you are writing a fictional account of a real occurrence. In order not to offend real people, you change all of the names of people and places. You may change many more details, both to improve the story and to avoid lawsuits. The logical progression must be retained, so that the point of the story is not lost. You will attempt to make as many points as possible by the use of logical deduction within the fictional account, since proof is more certain than evidence. But now suppose that you are a trial attorney, and you want to use this fictional account as part of your courtroom argument. You must connect the characters of the story to the real world, give them real names, obtain testimony from or about them, obtain physical evidence to convince a jury that the story is not only non-fiction, but is "true beyond a reasonable doubt". If you are a defense attorney, you may create doubt by offering an alternative story that also seems consistent with the evidence. The jury decides, a verdict is rendered. Justice may or may not be done. Sometimes the guilty are acquitted or the innocent convicted. Welcome to life in the real world. Scientists also deal in the a posteriori, but they have an advantage over lawyers. They usually deal not with isolated incidents like crimes, but with classes of phenomena. Scientists do not require that others believe what they have found in their laboratories; rather, they invite these others to duplicate their findings in their own laboratories, or to fail to do so. Even if the results can be duplicated, the claims are not proved. A better word is verified. As Popper famously pointed out, an a posteriori claim cannot be proved, it can only be falsified through counter-evidence. A few examples: Newton's laws of motion were introduced both with a rich story that included the differential and integral calculus, and rich evidence both from astronomy and from experiment. Darwin delayed publishing until he had both a story and rich evidence compiled during his voyage on the Beagle. Neither of these two examples satisfied all critics. Newton was challenged to account for action-at-a-distance and Darwin for the variation within species on which his theory depends. Every explanation, however successful, seems to raise new questions that it is unable to address. Accounts of abduction by aliens sometimes have elaborate stories, but offer little or no evidence. A massive double-blind experiment to test a new drug has in the end a very small story, consisting of a few numbers in a table, attached to the hugely expensive evidence. Now for some more topical applications of these ideas. Von Mises Approach to Economics Von Mises clearly preferred an a priori approach to economics. He felt no obligation to perform endless real-world studies to justify his conclusions. To obtain his conclusions through a priori reasoning without data from the real world, he had only to formulate assumptions or axioms which, together with his theory, would produce the conclusions that he wanted. Then critics could criticise these assumptions, but there would be no philosophical dispute. His assumptions regarding human action might be of this sort: businessmen tend to make market choices, within the limits of their knowledge and time constraints, in such a way as to minimize their expenses and maximize their income. Most people probably would find this assumption reasonable, though critics of the free market have spent considerable effort to show that people often make irrational market choices. I doubt that Mises was much troubled by such studies. Reason is available to everyone who wishes to use it. The Need for Liberty Government uses law to govern the real world. Our commentary on the application of law to the real world has two parts: considering laws as referring to a make-believe world described by the laws themselves, and applying laws to real-world situations. Logic is used in the first endeavor, evidence in the second. We agree with Popper that certainty cannot be obtained in the second endeavor. If no one can know a posteriori truth with certainty, then in particular government cannot know it. Therefore, people must always be left free to advance current understanding. If they are bound by law to current fashion, progress will stop. Truth is a moving target. Skepticism and liberty are required in order for progress to occur. Same Sex Marriage Some proponents of same sex marriage insist that marriage is a civil right, and that no other term, such as civil union, will suffice to satisfy the need. Shakespeare asked "What's in a name? A rose by any other name would smell as sweet." Why then the insistence on the word marriage? Andrew Sullivan has admitted that one motive is financial. Law is written in words. If a gay couple is legally married, then the social security and other laws governing married couples (presumably) must be applied. No other word will accomplish this. Other proponents avoid making this connection. They insist that marriage (only with that designation) is a desirable state that is being denied to them. They seem to say that the real-world nature of a relationship can be affected by the (abstract) word used to name it. This appears to contradict our story vs. evidence approach to meaning. Would society be disadvantaged if the word marriage were used? I think so. Just as the civil rights laws of the 1960's passed for the benefit of black Americans gave rise to demands by every conceivable minority group to be given equal status in victim-hood, I see a philosophical error being committed here that could have equally negative consequences. Words are attached to things by common usage over time, not by legal fiat. When we have evidence of a distinction in the real-world, we invent distinct terms to distinguish those things in the world of language. For legislation or a court decision to compel the use of the same term for situations widely perceived to be distinct is novel. The unfortunate lesson would be this: use political power to reshape the world by changing the meaning of our words. If in the future a group were unable change the laws, it might try to get the same effect by changing the meaning of the words in the laws. A future President Clinton might actually be able to change what the meaning of is is. Would this controversy occur in a more libertarian society? If there were no social security, or better yet, if marriage were simply a private contract with no affect outside the family involved, no dispute would arise. In that case, gay couples could probably use the word marriage without complaint from anyone. Dictionaries might begin to list an additional meaning after the traditional one. Over time, the meaning of the word would change. Tuesday, May 6. 2008Ron Paul's New Book: Perfect for Enlightening Friends
“The Revolution,” by Ron Paul, has just been published and you ought to consider buying extra copies to give/lend to your friends. Although the published price is $21, Amazon.com is selling it at $11.50 and Barnesandnoble.com at $14.70. Buy as many as you can afford - and start putting them to work. “The Revolution” is the best libertarian educational tool I have seen.
OK, now I must defend that ‘over-the-top’ claim. I say it is the best because (a) it is very readable - even the portions dealing with economics are written clearly; (b) it is brief enough at 167 pages to not intimidate those who aren’t avid readers, and (c) it uses readily observable facts and commonsense logic to great persuasive effect. This is the book your friends will thank you for, for years to come. The book’s seven chapters cover the main areas Dr. Paul stresses in his campaign for the Presidency. Chapter 1, “The False Choices of American Politics,” argues that the two parties and the media are limiting debate on most issues to a very narrow range of positions. Example: “The supposedly conservative candidate tells us about ‘waste’ in government, and ticks off $10 million in frivolous pork-barrel projects that outrage him” while ignoring the folly of the other 99.99955 percent of the federal budget; that’s not to be discussed. Chapter 2, “The Foreign Policy of the Founding Fathers,” explains why our greatest leaders, from George Washington on, have warned against foreign entanglements. “A policy of overthrowing or destabilizing every regime our government dislikes is no strategy at all, unless our goal is international chaos and domestic impoverishment.” “The Constitution” is at the heart of everything Dr. Paul stands for and is the subject of Chapter 3. His citations run the gamut: Jefferson, Rob’t Taft, Daniel Webster, Russell Kirk, Louis Fisher, others. It is in this chapter that Paul stresses the importance of returning to the states the powers they have been losing, incrementally, in violation of the Constitution. Frederic Bastiat called the state “the great fiction through which everybody endeavors to live at the expense of everybody else.” You won’t find anywhere a stronger case for getting government out of our economic lives than Chapter 4, “Economic Freedom.” Chapter 5 covers “Civil Liberties and Personal Freedom” and takes on the Patriot Act as well as other encroachments on the rights of free citizens. The sixth chapter, “Money: The Forbidden Issue in Politics,” denounces the Federal Reserve and funny money and explains clearly how it caused the NASDAQ bubble, the housing bubble, and undoubtedly will continue creating bubbles until we stop it. Finally, Chapter 7 “The Revolution,” demands change: “Our present course, in short, is not sustainable.” The concluding Reading List cites 48 classics; Ron Paul’s choices are excellent. “Revolution” is eloquent, moving, persuasive. The best thing you can do this month is to see that it gets distributed widely. Tuesday, May 6. 2008The Twilight Zone
Dr. Ebeling of FEE
To update my last posting, Dr. Richard Ebeling of FEE is joining the faculty of Trinity College/University in Hartford, Connecticut. He is shown on their website as a professor in economics courses there this fall. Professor Edward Stringham, another Austrian economist from the Mises Institute, will also be at Trinity this fall. If you have a son or daughter choosing a college soon, this fact might be of interest. On Individual Character Sunday night's edition of 60 Minutes on CBS had a segment on wrongful convictions in Dallas due to prosecutorial misconduct. The review in Karen De Coster's blog post on Lew Rockwell notes the remarkable strength of character shown by James Woodard, who was locked up for 27 years for a crime he did not commit. Brought before a parole board a dozen times during those years, he was always denied parole after refusing to admit his guilt. Asked by the interviewer why he hadn't just said that he was guilty, he responded that "a man has to stand for something." Book TV this weekend also had an interesting program by ex-senator Lincoln Chafee on his new book Against the Tide. He explains how he had reasons for serious doubts about the intentions and motives of the Bush II administration as soon as they took office. So after 9/11, when the bill to authorize the president to respond to the terrorist attacks came to the floor, Chafee initially voted nay. Before the roll call was finished, his staff raced to the floor to urge him to vote aye, on the basis of popular sentiment. So he changed his vote. The only nay vote in the entire congress came from Rep. Barbara Lee of Oakland, who then had to endure death threats and such. Chafee's final comment on this episode was "Whew!" Considering that the bill in question authorized the President to wreak death and destruction upon thousands, I have to wonder whether Chafee would offer us this episode as a profile in courage. Why couldn't he and other senators then. or at least later on during the Iraq vote, have responded as did James Woodard that "a man has to stand for something"? Evidently some of our convicts show more strength of character than our US Senators. In the quest for freedom, we must at some point ask what it is that the people want. If they all want a king, as did the ancient Hebrews in the book of Judges, they will surely get one, now as then. If the people think that they want freedom but lack the intestinal fortitude to accept the responsibility that comes with it, they will decide against it. All too soon, the shackles of slavery will be firmly in place and they will realize their mistake, too late. In the Meantime: Twilight Until either greater freedom or abject slavery arrives, we remain in the familiar twilight between the two. Our relationship to the state is well represented by the web accounts on stop sign and red light cameras. We might assume that these devices exist to enhance safety. But the incentives are such that the states use them as a source of revenue, even at the cost of safety. Drivers are irate. Of course, the entire criminal justice system is also a source of revenue to the state; an excuse for taxation to support the whole mess while ignoring its injustices and wrecked lives. Those imprisoned are in no position to complain, unlike the irate drivers of the last paragraph. Criminal justice does nothing to benefit the victim: that is the purpose of our civil court system. Government may not provide us with heaven on earth, but hell is readily provided. Unlike many people, we libertarians understand this. What then should be our enlightened response? If they want us to break laws so that they can increase their income and power, and we don't want them to succeed at this, then we should avoid breaking laws. Call it radical compliance. If this seems uninteresting, let me suggest that bad government provides us with many opportunities that are both interesting and productive, even profitable. Private enterprise can produce goods and services more efficiently than the government, with more innovation. We may compete with the government to whatever extent is legal, providing alternatives or supplements to their services. This is done now: private schools and colleges, private detectives and protection services, private arbitration, highways, securities markets, highways, fee-for-service medicine, on and on. These services succeed due to superior service, not necessarily due to lower price, as government services are typically subsidized. Thus do the laws of the market continue to work in a mixed economy. By working in and patronizing private services we can starve the state while living higher quality lives. Every child that is home schooled or sent to a private school reduces the income of the public school system. People who provide for their own retirement will not need the AARP to lobby congress on their behalf. They may be more open to phasing out Social Security. This would be a blessing to young adults. We may regard each outrage of the state as an opportunity in disguise. Comply, but compensate. Whenever the market is forced out of equilibrium by unwise laws, there are willing buyers and sellers unable to make a legal deal at the natural price. Human ingenuity then finds ways to address the needs and opportunities created by the unwise laws. Those who understand market economics are in a good position to recognize these needs and opportunities. Government money does not hold its value? Then find or devise investment securities that can do better. Public schools fail to educate? Then find private schools, supplementary enrichment programs or home schooling materials that can help fill the gap. Socialized medical care leads to overuse and under-supply? Then supplement with second opinions to reduce the overuse and fee-for-service care to ease the under-supply. We know that law such as patent law is what makes monopoly possible. Does Microsoft's lock on the OS market render your computers vulnerable to virus attacks and excessive fees? Then diversify the systems in use in your home or office. Does the alleged threat by Monsanto to corner the world's food seed markets and eliminate biodiversity concern you? Then collect seeds, start or invest in competing seed companies. A favorite concern of mine is nutrition. In recent years the subject has been lost among a myriad of alternative therapies. There is a huge vacuum to be filled here. To a great extent, mainstream medicine and the drug industry have succeeded in convincing people that nutrition is unrelated to disease. This despite the fact that each discovery of a deficiency disease was regarded as a great medical advance. It was by discovering deficiency diseases that the essential nutrients were identified; over forty in all. Diseases may be classified by cause: heredity, the external environment such as pollution and infectious agents, the internal environment (nutrition), and lifestyle. What else is there? And why should interest in any one of these categories of inquiry be labeled quackery? To do that is itself quackery. Every step that the mass of our citizens takes down the path toward folly provides an opportunity for young enterprising people to do well by doing good. There are lifetimes of interesting things to do that are quite legal. Every situation in which there is a superior private alternative to a "public" good provides ammunition for the libertarian case. Such private sector actions speak louder than words. At their best, private sector solutions to "public" needs provide ready-made libertarian alternatives to government. Perhaps we can build the infrastructure of the future in advance, so that at some point it will become possible to fulfill the implicit promise in the Declaration of Independence that all law will be contract law, binding only with the consent of the governed. Let us not go quietly into that good night, but noisily, with lots of ideas and enterprise. Politics is not just about campaigns and elections, but also about affecting the way life is lived. Sunday, April 20. 2008Whither FEE?
Evenings at FEE (the Foundation for Economic Education in Irvington) last week was the occasion for a bombshell announcement. Dr. Richard Eberling, the President of FEE, announced that this would be the last such evening at which he would preside. No further details were offered.
Dr. Eberling has presided for some five years, a period that has seen remarkable growth in the membership and attendance at FEE. Its summer programs for young people drew students from all over the country and the world. FEE also took its educational outreach to many foreign countries. Eberling brought to his role an unmistakable libertarian moral fervor. Among many lectures by economic notables there were also talks by James Bovard, whose recent books have charted the decline in civil liberties in the U.S. This dual concern for the free market and civil liberties has placed FEE squarely in the libertarian camp. The lecture that evening could hardly have been more appropriate. Dr. Walter Block spoke on Austro-libertarianism. He defined Austrian economics, then libertarianism, and asked the question why it should be the case that nearly all economists of the Austrian school are libertarians. I will not try to summarize his talk; perhaps it will later be posted in some form on their website. I have no doubt that FEE will remain devoted to Austrian economics; that is its heritage. I can only hope that it will equally remain libertarian in character. Prof. Block's analysis ought to provide a basis for converting business conservatives to full libertarianism. People who understand why free markets work better than government planning need to take just one further step. Free market deals are made by mutual consent. Consent requires freedom from coercion, that is, it requires individual security and political freedom. To the extent that individual security or political freedom is impaired or absent, the working of the free market is impaired or absent . We can only hope that FEE will understand this when selecting its next leader. Then they will stand together with nearly all Austrian economists. |
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